The main purpose of the present study is to explore and evaluate the diachronic relations between Russia and Cyprus, noting their historical context and to examine the perceived image1 of Russia in the Cypriot press, during the crucial period of Eurogroup’s decisions of March 2013.

In 1878 the UK rented Cyprus from the Ottoman Empire in exchange of a British promise to help Turkey against Russia. In 1914, the UK annexed the island and Cyprus became a British Colony because the Ottoman Empire entered the First World War on the side of the central powers. According to the Treaty of Lausanne (1923), the Ottomans quitted all of their requirements on Cyprus-and the new status led the UK to declare the island as a Crown’s colony in 1925 (Stavrinides 1975, p.2). This event coincided with the creation of the Communist Party of Cyprus (1926) as a blueprint for the global resonance that the Bolshevik movement gained, expressed in the October 1917 Revolution. These events resulted in cultivating within the working class of Cyprus, a communist ideology which, over time, founded the Cypriot Left. Apart from the ideological associations or the religious ones, on the basis of common doctrine, since 1960, after the founding of the Republic of Cyprus, these relations have become transnational in political and economic terms.

Relations between the Russian Federation and the Republic of Cyprus have been traditionally close. However, some recent systemic developments seem to undermine their solid foundations. This article examines the contemporary international system and, especially, the regional sub-system of the Eastern Mediterranean in order to trace systemic changes that may affect relations between the countries under examination. The analysis of the Russian-Cypriot relations focuses on the potential effects of the international systemic changes on each one of their three main pillars: economic, diplomatic and cultural relations.

The Russian Federation covers 17.045.000 square kilometres, has a population of 147.000.000 individuals and a national composition of 81,5% Russians, Ukrainians, Tatarians, etc. It shares borders with Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Belarus, Ukraine, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, China, and Mongolia and it has shores in the Northern Arctic Ocean, the Baltic Sea and the Black Sea. The regime of the Russian Federation is presidential democracy and the president is elected every six years by the citizens1. The Federal Assembly is constituted by two bodies, Duma with 450 members, who are elected for a five-year tenure, half of whom in uninominal regions and the rest with proportional representation of parties. The capital of the Russian Federation is Moscow and other important cities are Saint Petersburg, Novosibirsk, Krasnodar, Vladivostok, and Nizhny Novgorod. Administratively, Russia is divided into 85 administrative units.

Allowing for inevitable disagreements, stemming from political, ideological, psychological propensities and fixed ideas, it should be undeniable that, throughout the post-World War II era, Moscow had displayed friendship, solidarity and multidimensional support towards Cyprus and its overwhelming Greek Cypriot majority. Hence the recurrent expressions of “gratitude” by Cypriot political elites, opinion makers, and large sectors of civil society. Three primary sources of this “special relationship” stand out: first, Moscow, while serving its own geopolitical goals, simultaneously offered Cyprus protection against Anglo-American errors, sins and even crimes; second, in contrast to the West’s exclusively self-regarding strategies and tactics towards Cyprus, the Moscow-Cyprus bilateral bonding has overall been premised on a synthesis of mutual interests, shared norms and common values; and third, until very recently, Moscow extended to the Republic of Cyprus sustained understanding and support regarding Turkey’s threats and provocations. Except for the last dimension – addressed near the end of this essay - my major theses and supporting empirical evidence regarding the sui generis Russia-Cyprus relationship were first developed in my 2016 book, Russia-Cyprus Relations1.

In recent years, Russian-Cypriot relations have been a very topical issue among EU politicians, scholars and journalists dealing with international relations of Russia, South-eastern Europe and the Eastern Mediterranean. Through this deep interest many unknown parameters of the topic have been illuminated. Nevertheless, most of the analyses followed a certain pattern that did not always dovetail with reality. Although Cyprus has possessed an exceptional place in the Russian foreign policy, Russia’s interest in the Cypriot economic and political affairs, however, have been in some cases overrated. As a result, for various geo-political and geo-economic reasons the island has been dragged into the EU-Russia political and economic troubled NATO-EU-Russia relationship of the last decade and paid a high tribute for it. Against this background, it is argued that the Eurogroup’s decisions regarding the Cypriot banks in March 2013 were groundless and false and eventually backfired on the goals they intended to achieve. The article also counter-argues the opinion that Moscow is interested in the EastMed gas reserves because of their value in the EU-energy supply diversification policy. Russian companies do not seem to oppose the various projects aimed at exploiting EastMed resources, as they do not view East Med gas as a threat to their economic interests.

It has been a decade since the Southeastern Mediterranean region came to the forefront after the discovery of significant gas deposits in offshore fields located within the Exclusive Economic Zones (EEZ’s) of Egypt, Cyprus and Israel. Gradually, the region drew the attention of major oil companies (Total, Statoil, ENI, Exxon Mobil, BP, Rosneft Qatargas) who proceeded in a series of drilling operation projects in order to share the exploitation of the potential regional gas deposits with the involved countries in the future. Τhe aim of this paper on the first level, is to investigate the viability and competitiveness of a forthcoming energy hub in Southeastern Mediterranean, its role and the inevitably fierce competition by other well-established or emerging gas producing areas. In this task, there are a number of direct and indirect parameters that need to be taken under deep consideration. For example, the dominant options of implementing a Mediterranean energy hub, translated into the construction of the EastMed Pipeline or the promotion of an LNG Terminals Network respectively. On the second stage the paper examines and evaluates the interests of European Union and Russia in terms of energy demand and supply. Undoubtedly, the European Union is reconsidering its energy policy, seeking to enhance its steady gas supply by implementing a strategy of diversification in counterparts, routes and sources. On the other hand, Russia’s energy policy is aiming to raise market share and global influence. Is there any common ground?

Introduction. The object of study is the modern society in a wide, common to all mankind sense. The subject of the study are technologies of artificial neuronic networks.

The aim of the study is analysis and forecast of application of artificial intellect in short- and long-term perspective of the development of the society.

Materials and methods. The methodological basis of the study are traditional scientific methods applied in political sciences and economic sciences, combined with new terminology, in order to describe contemporary phenomena – analysis, synthesis, historical method and others.

Research result. The article studies possible perspectives of development of existing technologies of artificial neuronets (artificial intelligence) and its application to the production of public consent. The analyzed possibilities of these technologies when applied to the optimization of production, include economy of resources, solution of ecological problems, and national security in the context of terrorism threat. The possibilities of the use of the artificial intelligence technologies by the world leading governments are also studied. The article presents a study of the contemporary application of technologies of artificial intellect and an analysis of perspectives of their application in future together with analysis of the risks of the use of new technologies in the context of the threat of terrorism.

Discussion and Conclusion. The concept of infocapsule and the technology of its creation are described. The research of the phenomenon of the singularity of propaganda presented in the article allows to extrapolate the obtained results to the contemporary trends of the evolution of the society. It is argued that the state regulation of the new technologies is necessary.

Introduction. The article is devoted to the instruments used by the Spanish Kingdom in administrative and legal spheres to counter nationalist and separatist aspirations of the Basque Country throughout different historic periods. Special attention is paid to the confrontation with the Basque terrorist organization ETA. In addition, the research analyzes what caused ETA to emerge, underscores the major stages of its evolution, and discusses cross-border aspects of bilateral cooperation between Spain and France under the aegis of the supra-national specialized organization of Europol. The administrative and legal instruments used by Spain are distinguished in context of the analysis of the prospects for the applying of modern political and legal toolkit in the regional policy that is often contrary to the interests of the modern centralized state. The research pays attention to the administrative measures that led to ETA crisis and its further collapse.

Material and methods. The paper uses the methodology of a retrospective analysis and content-analysis to characterize the shifts in the principles of Spanish administrative and territorial tools and their influence on the nature of the Basque nationalism. The Constitution of 1977 and the Statute of autonomy of the Basque Country are considered.

Results. The paper sums up all the major shifts in the Spanish practice in the usage of administrative and political measures to combat the Basque separatist aspirations, evaluates their efficiency and outlines current obstacles towards the way of the establishment of a new bilateral dialogue with Madrid.

Conclusion. The first part of this article points out the growth of nationalist and separatist aspirations in the Basque Country and shows how political systems (absolute monarchy, republic, authoritarian governance, constitutional monarchy) lead to the application of new administrative and legal instruments that affect the Basque nationalist aspirations. The second part focuses on the current state of relations between the region and the central government.

Introduction. The article covers the main principles, challenges and structure of the budget system. The article compares the budget revenues with expenditures regarding the issues related to the foundations of the constitutional system of the state and through this perspective analyzes the laws and provisions of the Japanese Constitution.

Materials and methods. The methodological basis of the article is formed by special and specific scientific (comparative legal and technical) methods. The interdisciplinary method was used to explore the issues that overlap sectoral legal sciences. The use of the above mentioned methods made it possible to explore the issues in an interconnected, holistic and comprehensive manner.

The results of the research. The essence and structure of the budget process and its role in the legal system of Japan were determined. The budget system of Japan has been developing for a long time and now it is one of the main state institutions. Nowadays the budget system is closely connected with social, tax, political and economic spheres.

Discussion and conclusions. The article covers the constitutional and legal features concerning adoption of the budget and regulation of the budget process in Japan. The Constitution and the laws regulating the budget system and the budget process, were analyzed. The legal framework, which contributes to ensuring all constitutional and legal principles in adopting the budget and implementing the main aims, was explored.

Introduction. The analysis of the nature, conditions and reasons for the occurrence and practice of resolving (preventing and settling) conflict of interest issues is not only an important applied, but also significant research problem. Situations related to conflict of interest issues, both in the public-state and private sectors, have given rise not only to special scientific research, but also to legislative regulation and managerial practice. A number of countries have adopted special laws on conflict of interest policy norms, established office of state commissioner for conflict of interest policy, and introduced rules regulating employee conflict of interest policy.

Materials and methods. The source of the research is regulatory, theoretical, educational, scientific, journalistic works by domestic and foreign authors. The theoretical and methodological basis is the dialectical-materialistic approach to the analysis of the essence of social phenomena, the laws of their development, the features of legal regulation and the controlling effect on them. The research tools are classical: comparative legal analysis, formal logical, concrete historical and system-functional methods. The results of the study. The article presents the author’s interpretation of the of “conflict of interests” concept. Its essence is a conflict situation between public law obligations and individual’s interests, which provokes situations in which the interests of one person lead to potential or real harm to the rights, freedoms and legitimate interests of others persons. Conclusion: the conflict of interests must be managed, which means that it is timely to identify, diagnose, objectively assess possible risks and negative consequences, take adequate organizational and legal measures to resolve the conflict situation. If a public servant does not serve, in accordance with his status and powers, the public and the state, but only cares about his/her own well-being, then such public employees must be dismissed from public office.

Discussion and conclusion. Improving the mechanisms for identifying, qualifying, regulating the suppression and punishment of perpetrators, eliminating the negative consequences of breaching the conflict of interest policy are strategically important and rather difficult tasks that challenge not only the state, the law enforcement system and local authorities, but also business, civil society institutions and every citizen . Its solution requires systematic monitoring, comprehensive analysis, decisive and coordinated actions.

Introduction. The legal mechanism of regulatory sandboxes is implemented in a number of countries to foster the development of the digital economy. Regulatory sandboxes act as a legal mechanism that allows introducing a special legal regime for new products and services and conducting experiments (with certain restrictions) with their practical usage without violating the national law. The national program “The Digital Economy of the Russian Federation” sets the goal of the development of digital innovations and the corresponding legal regulation. The implementation of transnational strategies of digital development for the EAEU, the CIS, BRICS is considered as a new challenge to the common economic development.

Materials and methods. The research is based on the national and international legal acts as well as on national and international strategies of economic development. Among the methods used are comparison, generalization, qualitative and descriptive analysis and case-study method.

Results. The study has identified the main forms of regulatory experiments that are implemented in the modern practice of public regulation. The paper proves that the various forms of regulatory experiments (including regulatory sandboxes) are an effective instrument of regulation of the digital innovations. The authors have found the main pass through technologies that are the object of experimental regulation in international practice. The paper sets the criteria for a successful implementation of the concept of supranational regulatory sandboxes that are implemented in several jurisdictions simultaneously.

Discussion and conclusion. The study described the main patterns of implementation of regulatory sandboxes for digital innovations; the main characteristics of the regulatory sandboxes’ design were revealed; the general economic activities that can be enhanced by the instrument of regulatory sandboxes for digital innovations were defined.

Introduction. The paper is devoted to the review of the current state of economic cooperation between Russia and the Republic of Korea under the influence of the main trends in the development of the world economy in 2019. There is presented the analysis of the achieved results of Russian-Korean cooperation, taking into account the complications of the internal economic situation in each country. The prospects of development of mutual economic cooperation in the context of continuing unfavorable trends of protectionism and trade wars in the world are assessed.

Materials and methods. The study uses expert, statistical and comparative analysis, analysis of the empirical data, as well as the methods of induction, deduction, analogy, generalization.

Results. As a result of the analysis, the key features of economic cooperation between Russia and the Republic of Korea at the present stage were identified, an assessment of the current state of trade and investment relations between the two countries is given; the prospects of further development of bilateral trade and economic relations are analyzed with consideration to the foreign policy factors and the situation in the world economy.

Discussion and conclusion. As the presented study showed, at present the most important sphere of interaction between countries is foreign trade. Traditionally, bilateral trade is the determinant in the relations between Russia and the Republic of Korea. The urgent task for both countries is to formulate a coordinated strategy for the long-term economic cooperation taking into account the challenges that the global and national economies face, and to achieve the level of “strategic partnership” in the bilateral relations in the near future.