Introduction. The article analyzes the genesis of British Russophobia and anti-Russian propaganda in the period from the Vienna Congress of 1815 to the Crimean War (1853–1855) and the Paris Congress of 1856. The subject of the study is pre-war, pre-war and military propaganda in Great Britain and the tools used. The aim of the study is the genesis of global anti-Russian propaganda and Russophobia. The role of K. Marx and F. Engels in the propaganda campaign initiated by lobbyists for the war with the Russian Empire is separately studied in order to show the identity of the anti-Russian and Russophobic theses of the communists (i.e. the counter-elites of Western civilization) and the most aggressive towards Russia representatives of the military and political elites of the British Empire, which became the center of Western civilization in the 19th century.
Materials and methods. The study is based on the materials of Russian, British and American authors. The methodology of the study is based on the civilizational approach in the context of the system analysis of international relations. Within the framework of this methodology, the historical-genetic method (retrospective analysis), descriptive, analytical, and comparative methods were also used to analyze the factual material.
Research results. The results obtained revealed a stable stereotype regarding Russia that was formed during that period, which eventually became part of the British heroic mythology and even later a presetting for Western society. The phenomenon of the super-active anti-Russian propaganda activities of Marx and Engels, their publication of similar articles in European and American media, was highlighted, which for the first time allows us to talk about the work of the internationalist communists Marx and Engels on the anti-Russian propaganda campaign, which is part of the large information war of Western civilization against Russian civilization.
Discussion and conclusion. A thesis is put forward about a symbiotic pair of Western civilization and the international financial and information consortium, the prototype of modern globalist structures. For the first time, a thesis has been put forward about the transformation of propaganda into a social practice in Great Britain during that period. Conclusions have been made about the need to take into particular account the British stereotypical vision of Crimea, Russia and Russian civilization when analyzing and forecasting

Introduction. In June 2025, Russia hosted a high-level premiere Seminar on depoliticized cooperation in criminal matters for BRICS member states and partner countries. The article is based on the author’s report and its discussion and other key deliverables of the seminar as well as takes stock of available solutions to overcome the current unacceptable state of affairs in this field.
Materials and methods. The article explores relevant international treaties, domestic laws and regulations, and draft legislation. It is also sourced from case law of international courts, national and foreign jurisprudence, legal practices of interstate, domestic and foreign law enforcement and judicial authorities, as well as scholarly literature. The applied methodology includes the formal legal and comparative methods, methods of systemic and structural analysis, and synthesis of social and legal phenomena.
Results of the study. The impact of global politics on international cooperation between judicial, police and other law enforcement authorities and financial intelligence units is a matter of fact. However, the domestic legislation on “unfriendly states” per se does not concern the area of interstate cooperation in criminal matters. The question is whether that impact is reasonable and/or lawful under international law. Currently, on the subject’s major points we have to answer in the negative, since the refusals of mutual assistance mostly run counter to the refusing countries’ binding international legal obligations, violating the pacta sunt servanda principle, and in many cases are against common sense. The article breaks down these political denials into categories and then analyzes each of them. They are (infrequent) direct political refusals of assistance, those camouflaged under the human rights cover blaming Russia for not being party to the European Convention on Human Rights and the European Court of Human Rights anymore, as well as the phenomenon of “ghosting”. Switzerland’s destructive approach of a “judicial smoke screen” and the selective one by the United States and Canada stand out from the pack. The total damaging effect for various areas of life, assessed in the publication, is hard to overestimate.
Discussion and conclusion. The paper takes stock of the prospects and all available solutions, such as exercising reciprocity, various peaceful means of settlement of disputes, submission of the dispute to the International Court of Justice, discusses its case law on the subject of judicial assistance, as well as evaluates the feasibility of each option. It offers insights into relevant domestic legislative initiatives worked out by the Prosecutor General’s Office and aimed at enhancing the application of the principle “aut dedere aut judicare”, blocking foreign and international extraterritorial operations to gather evidence and intelligence on Russian soil, including electronic evidence in cyberspace, and in parallel strengthening Russia’s own use of extraterritorial mechanisms within what is permissible under international law, among others, within the framework of the new UN Convention against Cybercrime and improving the use of consular legal assistance by videoconferencing. At the same time, the Russian principal central authority for legal assistance in criminal matters opposes any dismantling of the existing treaty base, termination or suspension of the operation of bilateral and multilateral anti-crime and counter-terrorism treaties, including the Council of Europe conventions.

Introduction. The analysis of the international legal assessments of the legitimation mechanism of the United States’ and other NATO countries’ invasion of Libya in 2011 reveals the ambiguous perception in the research circles of the rationale for the Western
countries’ military intervention in the affairs of the North African state. Particularly interesting are the logic and argumentation of those legal scholars who found it acceptable to justify this armed incursion from an international legal point of view.
Materials and methods. The theoretical and empirical basis of the study is formed by international legal documents (primarily of the UN Security Council and General Assembly, practice of the International Court of Justice), foreign and domestic international legal literature, mass media materials. On the basis of integrative approach to scientific legal research in this paper were applied, in particular, hermeneutic, formal-legal, formal-logical, structural-functional and systematic methods, as well as methods of analysis and synthesis, legal construction and legal modelling.
Research results. The author critically analyzed the evaluations of the armed invasion of Libya by the U. S. and its allies primarily in the foreign international legal literature, focusing on finding ingenious arguments aimed at convincing the international audience of the legitimacy of this intervention.
Discussion and conclusion. Mainly Washington’s efforts to legitimize the intervention have ensured the viability of a favorable approach in foreign international law academia to the perception of the use of force against Libya as “legitimate” and “legally uncontroversial”, of an approach that justifies an expansive interpretation of the term “all necessary measures”, including as a “legal basis for regime change in Libya” being “the only reasonable and effective strategy”, an approach that even does not rule out the admissibility of arming and providing other military assistance to the opposition in accordance with the adopted UN Security Council resolutions. It would be advisable for Russia to take into account the experience of the U. S. in justification and international legal legitimation of its military actions on the territories of foreign states when developing Russia’s own international legal policy in this area.

Introduction. The right to personal integrity as a fundamental somatic right has specific features in its legal entrenchment within the sphere of genomic research. These specificities are manifested in the diversity of its sources, as well as in the uneven reflection in the norm-setting activities of the two main actors in this field: UNESCO and the Council of Europe.
Materials and methods. A whole range of scientific methods were used in the course of the study. Among them are comparative legal methods, logical analysis, and others.
Research results. This article focuses special attention, in the first place, on the norm-setting activities of UNESCO in ensuring the right to genetic integrity at the universal international level and on the legal instruments it adopts in this area. In the second place, the article analyzes the provisions of the law of the Council of Europe, under whose auspices the Oviedo Convention and a number of additional protocols to it were adopted, which together form a unique regulatory framework for guaranteeing the right to bodily integrity at the international regional level in Europe.
Discussion and conclusion. The article substantiates the fundamental nature of the right to genetic integrity as a basis for formulating human genetic rights. 

Introduction. In the context of the rapid development of digital technologies and their integration across various spheres of public life, the issue of legally regulating the delegation of legally significant decisions to artificial intelligence systems (hereinafter – AI) has become particularly important and urgent. At present, there is a noticeable gap in the legal framework regarding the delegation of authority to AI systems for making legally significant decisions; questions of liability and the legal status of AI also remain unresolved.
Materials and methods. The methodological foundation of this research comprises both general scientific and specialized approaches: the method of systemic analysis; formal‑legal and comparative legal methods.
Results of the study. The authors have examined AI system characteristics that bear legal significance, including autonomy, self‑learning capability, complex architecture, and algorithmic opacity. They consider approaches to the legal status of AI, including the concepts of “electronic person” and AI as merely an instrument. The necessity of adopting a risk‑oriented approach to the legal regime of AI is substantiated. It is established that Russian legislation lacks mechanisms for challenging and reconsidering decisions made based on AI or by AI systems themselves, as well as mechanisms to control such decisions. Special attention is paid to the need to ensure transparency, explainability, and logging of decisions made by AI systems.
Discussion and conclusion. The article argues for the development of a comprehensive normative approach to the delegation of legally significant decisions to AI systems. The authors propose directions for improving Russian legislation. In particular, they suggest: creating mechanisms for review and appeal of automated decisions; establishing a specialized authority to maintain registers of AI systems and assess the lawfulness of their decisions; and mandating the obtaining of consent from any person whose rights or lawful interests are affected by a decision delegated to AI systems.

Introduction. This study provides a brief overview of the current state of cybercrime response in the Global South, with a focus on the advanced practices, challenges and prospects for the development of intra-state and inter-state cooperation. The author reveals the terminology used and compares it with the national approach.
Materials and methods. Methodologically, the study is based on the methods of formal logic, the system method, interpretation, formal-legal, historical-legal methods, as well as methods of jurislinguistics and linguojuristics as to linguistic features of the use of terms by law enforcement officers, legislators and researchers in foreign languages. The study is comparative in nature not only as to cyber laws, but also related regulation, including by-laws and guidelines. Civil and civil procedural law are applicable as lex specialis.
Study results. The Global South countries are leaders in cyber security in terms of legislation, technical, organizational measures, capacity building and artificial intelligence, sometimes surpassing the regional level in cybercrime prevention. Given the development of legal regulation, cybercrime covers a wide range of areas where information and communication technologies are used. One may define cybercrimes as the use of high technology for criminal purposes, and the Global South's response focuses on criminalization and penalization, preventive measures, economic, technical and suppressive initiatives, the use of technological advances in detection and investigation, and the monitoring and filtering of illegal content.
Discussion and conclusion. The lack of mechanisms to review the implementation of regional conventions specifically on cybercrime, differences in the data stored by service providers and platform owners and the timeframe for their storage, in the understanding of prohibited content, and the abundance of evaluation categories can be identified as problems that should be addressed by developing an additional protocol to the UN Convention against Cybercrime and improving national regulation. The lack of a common understanding of cybercrime can be mitigated by ratifying the mentioned international treaty by Global South countries. The leading countries in the field of cyber security have implemented technical and organizational initiatives that are of interest for implementation in domestic practice.

Introduction. Current legislation uses, but does not define, the concept of a "theatrical and spectacular performance." Modern theoretical scholarship has developed a number of approaches to identifying its content and determining its place within the system of intellectual property rights. Determining where this phenomenon fits in the intellectual property system is of great practical importance, since recognizing it as an independent object would mean establishing a legal regulatory framework for it and acknowledging its intellectual rights, including the "exclusive right" to it as a whole. The article is devoted to analyzing law enforcement practices, various scholarly approaches to defining the place of the "theatrical and spectacular performance" as a phenomenon and object in the intellectual property rights system, and possible mechanisms of its protection.
Materials and methods. The study was based on the norms of the legislation of the Russian Federation regulating relations in copyright and related rights, judicial practice materials, and doctrinal research. During the study, general scientific and special legal
methods were used: analysis, generalization, systemstructural, formal-legal, logical, and others.
Research results. The study showed that, under the existing legal framework, it is not possible to define a theatrical and spectacular performance as an independent object of intellectual property to which intellectual property rights could be attached. The definition of a complex object, as provided in Article 1240 of the Civil Code of the Russian Federation, implies a special regime of joint existence and use of several interconnected results of intellectual activity.
Discussion and conclusion. A theatrical and spectacular performance gives heterogeneous results a unity of perception but does not form an independent object of intellectual rights. The form of this phenomenon does not meet the requirements of objectivity, as it is too susceptible to changes from external factors. Protection of the rights of the organizer of a theatrical and spectacular performance can only be achieved by demanding the cessation of violations regarding the included results, including the director's staging of a performance.

Introduction. The article addresses the issues of international trade features in rare earth metals (REM) and the strategic positions of key players in the context of ongoing geopolitical tensions.
Materials and methods. The methodological basis of the study was based on general scientific and special methods that make it possible to analyze the role of key players in the REM market, substantiate the geopolitical confrontation on it and assess the possibilities of forming a multipolar system in the international REM trade. The methods of economic analysis and synthesis, the formal logical method, synchronous and comparative methods are used.
Results of the study. The systemic contradictions affecting the conjuncture of the REM market have been identified. It is shown that the REM trade has become not only an economic issue, but also a part of the national security strategy for many states. The ways of transition from a situation in which China, due to technological and market dominance, has monopoly levers, to the gradual formation of multipolarity in the international trade of the REM are outlined. The main result, which represents an element of scientific novelty, is the diagnosis of the consequences of the geopolitical confrontation in 2010-2025 on the global REM market.
Discussion and conclusion. Economic and political interests, trade wars as a consequence, armed conflicts, and a high geographical and functional concentration of REM directly affect global supply chains, prompting countries to struggle for control over REM sources. The further increase in competition for REM resources leads to the creation of new production facilities for their extraction and processing in different regions of the world, which contributes to the emergence of a more balanced market in the future and the formation of a multipolar international trade system, reducing global dependence on China's influence as a leading supplier and coordinating center for global REM supplies.

Introduction. The article is devoted to the study of the European experience of public-private partnership in the context of digitalization of public infrastructure. Using the example of Germany and the United Kingdom, the main areas of public-private partnership, achievements, and shortcomings in this area of cooperation are examined. The British experience of public-private partnership in the context of digitalization of public infrastructure has shown that this country is interested in investments, as this reduces the burden on the state budget. Such initiatives are supported by the government on the condition of co-financing. Design, construction, and commissioning work are carried out by private contractors, and the government monitors compliance with legislation and construction regulations by the private sector.
Materials and methods. The study used an information and analytical method.
Results of the study. The use of public funds together with private initiatives is particularly important in the context of digitalization, as it allows the population to receive new conditions for comfortable living. The main focus of digitalization of public infrastructure is on artificial intelligence systems, new information trends, and advanced technologies that combine human capabilities and information control and monitoring systems.
Discussion and conclusion. The UK's experience in establishing PPPs dates back to the 1970s, making it a significant and applicable model in other countries.

Introduction. Since its establishment in 2015, the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) – uniting Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, the Kyrgyz Republic and the Russian Federation – has guaranteed the free movement of goods, services, capital and labour; today it has become a key instrument of economic integration, especially for Russia. The joint digitalisation of EAEU economies is viewed as a strategic avenue for deepening integration and mitigating external disintegration pressures. Over the past decades, the rapid spread of digital platforms as a new business model with powerful network effects has radically reshaped traditional industries. The present study offers a comprehensive analysis of digitalplatform phenomena within the context of Eurasian integration, addressing both theoretical aspects (definitions, classifications and core properties) and practical aspects (drivers of formation, current state and prospects for platformeconomy development in EAEU member states).
Materials and methods. The research employs a mixed approach that integrates theoretical and empirical analysis of digitalplatform development in the EAEU. The theoretical section reviews the essence of digital platforms alongside diverse scholarly approaches to their definition and classification. The empirical section examines the preconditions for platform formation, the current state of the platform economy across the Union, the results achieved to date, persisting challenges and prospects for further growth. The study draws upon the author’s dissertation materials as well as peerreviewed Russian and international sources, including statistical reports and analytical reviews, ensuring the reliability and relevance of the findings.
Results of the study. The rapid emergence of the EAEU platform economy has been driven by global digitalisation trends, lower transaction costs in ecommerce compared with traditional trade, rising digital literacy, broad Internet penetration and accessible bigdata analytics tools. Platform development in the region has progressed in stages and, by the mid2020s, has reached a mature growth phase. A pronounced development asymmetry was identified: Russia leads the platform sector, whereas smaller economies (e.g., Armenia and Kyrgyzstan) lag behind in coverage, infrastructure and investment.
Discussion and conclusion. In recent years digital platforms have shown steady positive dynamics in the EAEU, becoming an engine of regional economic integration and sustaining the expansion of mutual trade even under external pressure. Nevertheless, several bottlenecks hamper further progress, including regulatory fragmentation, infrastructure gaps and intercountry disparities. Coordinated measures are required – notably the adoption and implementation of a supranational Agreement on Electronic Commerce to harmonise platform rules, coupled with continued investment in core connectivity and logistics infrastructure. These steps are expected to create, in the near future, a unified EAEU digital space where platforms weave national markets into a single ecosystem, enhancing overall competitiveness and resilience to external shocks.

Introduction. The article examines the specifics of the development and historical legacy of the Russian party system and European democratic institutions. The root causes of the emergence of popular representation in the political sphere of life are investigated, and a comparative analysis of the experience of Western and Russian countries is carried out. The subject of the research is the Russian society and the political structure of modern Russia. The purpose of the study is to identify and substantiate the need to start considering the possibilities of reforming political institutions in order to create a new architecture of legislative power radically different from the Western model.
Materials and methods. The article uses materials from domestic and foreign scientific sources. The methodological basis of the research is based on the following general scientific and special methods: comparative method; method of system analysis; analytical method; institutional method; historical method; civilizational and identitarian approaches.
The results of the study. In Russia, the evolution of government institutions, starting with the Veche assemblies and Zemstvo Councils, has laid the fundamental foundations of legitimacy and legality in the public consciousness, which are radically different from the Western political culture of Great Britain and the United States of America. Contrary to popular opinion, the article draws conclusions about the fallacy of believing in the axiom of universality and the lack of alternatives to the Western democratic model of the party system, shows the impossibility of its effective implementation in Russia, due to the uniqueness of Russian civilization and culture and the peculiarities of spiritual, historical and social development.
Discussion and conclusion. Attempts to transform Russian political consciousness, ignoring the prevailing historical and socio-cultural realities in building the party system, are currently not yielding the expected results. Moreover, orientation towards Western patterns has repeatedly undermined Russia's stability and unity, which means that a new crisis is likely to arise in the future if the country refuses to form its own approach to political governance. It is necessary to start discussing the possibilities of creating a new architecture of legislative power that is fundamentally different from the models of another Western civilization.